I really look forward to a substantive discussion on Fodor and Piattelli-Palmarini’s newest article “against” natural selection.
From what I understand, their argument here is: “Not all things are equal. Natural selection works in concert with other stable physical and chemical systems.” Putting aside their rhetoric, the argument sounds awfully benign.
But even if we grant this, I don’t understand why it matters. Natural selection hasn’t been refuted — any more than Skinnerian behaviorism has been refuted — for the solid chunk of core phenomena it sought to explain. The rats continue to give responses to stimuli based on reward schedules, and populations continue to lose undesirable traits when faced with cross-generational pressures imposed by their ecology. It just might be an incomplete theory to explain all the phenomena, and therefore need to be put in the company with some other naturalistic theories. Big deal. Darwin is a scientist, not a god, so who cares?
That having been said, I’ll grant that the final two paragraphs of Fodor/Piattelli-Palmarini’s article are obnoxious slander. It’s pretty much what you can expect from the Rutgers “philosophy as blood sport” crowd.
Rorty, Richard. “Putnam and the Relativist Menace,” Journal of Philosophy 1993 vol. XC (9) pp. 443
Rorty’s understanding of the role of solidarity in his explanation of warrant is problematic. In order for solidarity to do the things he thinks it will, solidarity must be incompatible with shame. I aim to show that this is quite mistaken.
In his reply to Putnam, Rorty argues that the conditions under which an assertion (p) can be said to have warrant are relative to how we feel about the views that would be held by an idealized version of our own community. The meaning of “our community” or “our society” is plausibly determined by ideological postulates: for example, we use “wet liberalism” to describe the community that Rorty and Putnam share. (452) Whatever ideological postulate we select as a way of identifying our ideal selves as versions of us, it must conform to the expectation that we have a feeling of solidarity toward that ideal society. (453-54) The solidarity requirement also saves us from identifying with moral monsters. So for instance, suppose that in a counterfactual world the Nazis had won the war, and a Nazi Benjamin Nelson came into the world sired by Nazi equivalents of my actual parents. It is a fact that I do not want to have solidarity with this counterfactual person due to the odious nature of his beliefs and his life-world. So for Rorty, this person could not be me.
Rorty contrasts the notion of warrant with what he thinks Putnam might hold is an intelligible sense of the notion of truth. Insofar as Rorty is concerned with the notion of truth, he thinks we are interested in whether or not an idealized future society would affirm or deny our assertion (p). (450) Strictly speaking, there is no clear and explicit account provided for how we must feel towards this future ideal society, i.e., whether or not we require a sense of solidarity with the future world in order for us to legitimately claim that this society is a version of us. But there are only two possibilities: either we need a degree of solidarity to this future society, or we don’t. If we do need that sense of solidarity, then our account of truth collapses into our account of warrant. If not, then there is no reason to say that these idealized truth-holders are versions of us. (And of course, since Rorty is an ethnocentrist, he need not be interested in what other ideological communities call “true”, idealized or not. (452))
Rorty is best understood when we think of him as ignoring truth (a vague term of approbation) and focusing instead on warrant. Warrant presupposes solidarity with the counterfactual community, and to have solidarity with a person is to identify with them. Yet shame presupposes solidarity with the cause of the gross embarressment. Parents are ashamed of their children (and vice-versa), citizens are ashamed of their elected representatives, philosophers are ashamed of bad philosophers, etc. We could not feel ashamed of someone from whom we are genuinely alienated. I cannot be ashamed of psychotic Martians, since they have nothing to do with me. Shame presupposes at least a trace of solidarity, since the canonical purpose of the concept of ’shame’ is to describe certain kinds of negative relationships with individuals in some real or imagined fraternity.
The question is, can I feel ashamed of some distant denizen of this little Nazi world? I don’t see why I cannot or should not feel ashamed of my counterpart. So it would seem that there is a sense in which I am in solidarity with my Nazi equivalent.
I am not sure how Rorty’s account can survive this fact about feeling. For I have supposed from the start that I am an ethnocentrist, where my “ethnicity” is defined as “wet liberal”. But clearly this cannot be the whole story, since my feelings tell me that I am in solidarity with my illiberal counterpart even though I do not want to be.
He might reply by clarifying what he means by the “feeling of solidarity”, i.e., by saying that solidarity (or even solidarity with respect to the true) presupposes our approbation of (p). But nothing of the sort could be coherently suggested. After all, an idealized liberal society might approve of (p), yet we may presently be very fond of (~p), so much so that we’d be extremely vexed that these idealized cads in the future would give it up (no matter how sensible the reasons for doing this may be in the idealized world). In other words, our approbation and solidarity must come apart in order for us to make sense of a change in standards for warrant (as Putnam and Rorty want to do). (449) But once they come apart, we have to admit the possibility that our warrants could change for the worse without it constitutionally changing who we are.
Mike Laboissiere at Talkingphilosophy crafts an interesting argument, on the subject of whether or not we have the right to know about what goes on in the private lives of celebrities.
The recent media frenzy over the Tiger Woods‘ affair(s) raises numerous issues of philosophical concern. The one that I will focus on is the matter of the extent of our right to know about what goes on in the lives of others… [A] possible foundation for such a right is that people can give such a right to others. For example, when someone intentionally and knowingly provides another person with access to information then they have provided that person with the right to know. For example, if someone posts pictures of her drunken adventures on Facebook and has allowed her friends to view her photos, then she has granted them the right to know about said drunken adventures…
In the case of Tiger Woods his being a golf professional clearly does not grant people the right to know about his private life. However, Tiger Woods went beyond being a golf professional and became a professional endorser of products… In one commercial, the public was even invited in to see him reading a bedtime story to his child. As such, he was clearly establishing a relationship with the public that went beyond being a just a guy who swings a club… By entering into such a relationship based on trust Woods thus gave the public a right to know about what lies behind that carefully crafted image.
It seems to me that it is entirely correct for us to glom onto social roles for the purposes of talking about the right to know, and Mike has done right by chasing that intuition. But it does not seem to me that we are in the right condition if we use Mike’s account to get us there.
The Facebook analogy is significant here. Where Mike talks about giving away one’s right to privacy, I would rather talk about increasing the sphere of privilege. When you encourage people to trust you, you cannot be appropriately said to have signed your life away to Big Brother. Instead, you have to occupy some definite role which is connected to types of harms: the President, the CEO of a bank, etc. Being a celebrity golfer who hawks deodorant? Notsomuch.
Might he be a “role model”, nevertheless? And if so, is that connected with other people having a right to know, in some way that’s unconnected with the harm principle? Maybe, maybe not. It doesn’t really seem obvious to me what the answer is. But that’s kind of the point. If it isn’t obvious, i.e., there is no contract, and there’s no dire consequences associated with his putative trust-relationship with people, then the moral default has to be to leave the damn guy alone.
Bottom line: we are in a culture that is addicted to its own bullshit. People have a gross sense of entitlement to privileges that they have no right to.
When first reading this article, I was bored after the first paragraph. This is despite the fact that I recognise that the author is capable of good, snappy writing. So either I have a short attention span, or I thought it was vapid, or I prejudged because I was only linked to the article by friends who are panning it.
On reflection, it seems to me that the trouble with triumphalist articles like this one is that they set themselves up as such easy targets for criticism. For I am not sure what I am meant to take away from the article except that there is an ongoing culture of hipsters who are just the newest iteration of a culture of irony, coming from people who live meaningless lives in middle-class industrial society.
For all my imagination, I can’t make sense of the claim that the millenials are the “most privileged and uniquely terrified generation in history”. Sure, it makes good sense if we think that history begins when Douglas Coupland began his career. For, the phrase “uniquely terrified” may be a nice contrast between Gen X and the millenials. But if we think history began more than 20 years ago, it certainly isn’t a good contrast between the millenials and, say, the boomers, who were arguably far more terrified and certainly more privileged economically. For granted, Osama killed 3000 people, and it was a horrible and defining moment for many of us. But this one-off event is nothing like living in a world of perfect certainty that an immanent nuclear annihilation will destroy humanity for good, as was the case in the Cold War.
It seems to me that if you want to pretend that you’re speaking on behalf of an entire generation in some unique way then you have to do a bit more than just make a few references to Obama, 1337speak, and 9/11. Otherwise the entire article rests on a parenthetical jibe against Gen Xers, but is otherwise indistinguishable from their complaints (now 20 years old and going strong).


